Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubaraks Egypt
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Beinin noted that Egypt had a constitutional monarchy from until the Free Officers coup of Elections were mostly fraudulent, and the king had the right to dissolve parliament and appoint the prime minister. Beinin was joined by Lisa Blaydes, an assistant professor of political science and author of Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubarak's Egypt.
How that is going to play out is not known. People in the Obama White House are working through these very issues. The future will inevitably involve cleaning house and "redistributing income away from the small percentage of people at the top of the hierarchy," Blaydes said. She added that, whatever happens, America must honor the preferences of average Egyptians in the government that emerges. Blaydes warned against "the danger with simple electoralism," however. She repeatedly emphasized the need to guarantee human rights for the roughly 10 percent Coptic Christian population and other minorities and for feminist women's organizations.
Egyptian votes are often controlled by clan or are bought, rather than determined by alignment with political issues, she said. If Egyptians vote for candidates based on political issues, she said, "we might start to see a different landscape. Beinin pointed out that 44 percent of the population lives below the poverty line or just above it. Even with the optimal outcome, "the job will just have begun. This is about the whole structure of power in the Middle East. Egypt is the lynchpin of the U.
Message from the President
He said that the Egypt-Israel peace is "not going to be abrogated, no matter what happens, even though Israel is freaking out. Blaydes said that the Obama administration initially seemed to have a "bit of a hands-off attitude. During the question-and-answer period, an undergraduate student from Slovenia asked Beinin what Mubarak should do. Eastern Europe? That's a pretty powerful example," Beinin said, recalling the "velvet" revolutions that ended communism in Europe. A student in the Arabic program at Stanford said that more and more Egyptians are getting suspicious that Egyptian officials are "playing games to stay in power" and hoping the demonstrations die down so they can resume business as usual.
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We have learnt the correct comprehension of Islam. It was propagated from the s onwards, when the state began cutting social service provision. Local communities often have no choice but to participate in such endeavours. In fact, the Muslim Brothers directly referred to this notion as well, when they were charged with political mandates as Members of Parliament or while sitting on local councils. As a teacher, I know them a little so I was in charge of the case. I suggested that the deputy could make an official request to the governor, but they refused. We will go to see the furniture merchants we know, ask for some chairs from one, shelves from another They will give them to me if they can, because they know I am not doing this for myself; it is voluntary work, and they may want to make a donation.
Normally though, there should be a budget for this, since it is not always possible to count on the maghud al-dhati Our goal is to cooperate in helping to reform the country, because it is our duty, according to Islam, to our morality, and to our love for the nation. Serving people is like praying and loving God. Our prophet Prayer of God be upon him and peace said that if on the Day of the Last Judgement you find a seed, you must plant it.
The Electoral Sociology of the Egyptian Vote in the – Sequence | SpringerLink
This is a core value of Islam. It was considered a potential source of instability. However, it was also nurtured by the MB itself.
However, this was not only a strategy with which to protect themselves from repression; and nor was it obvious proof of their involvement in the authoritarian coalition. It was more deeply in line with their vision of politics as the moral reform of behaviours. This euphemistic form of politics was heavily undermined during the period.
Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubarak's Egypt
It was, first, a relocation of the state developmentalist myth into the micro-level of the spirit of services, placed on the shoulders of local elites. Second, it was a configuration made of overlapping networks of public work and charities, in which political identities were often blurred. Lastly, it was a conflictual consensus in which political antagonisms were understated.
Although such an argument does not account, alone, for all the dynamics of conflictual radicalisation that the period witnessed, I will begin by focusing on the local level, which has been less commented upon. Parliament and local councils were dissolved, as was the NDP, following an order issued by the Supreme Administrative Court in April In concrete terms, it meant that tens of thousands of local elites were deprived of their positions.
Many of them, fearing prosecution, also suspended their public work activities and opted to adopt a low profile for several months. These local elites therefore stopped acting as the everyday interfaces of the state. The micro-level spirit of services broke down and ceased to play the role of a substitute for state intervention. This was cruelly felt by large parts of the population who suffered from growing poverty and who now even lacked informal access to patronage, adding to the fact that many state administrative units had ceased functioning.
While local councils remained dissolved with no elections in sight, high expectations were placed on the parliament that was to be elected at the end of For many people, struggling on a day-to-day basis for survival, the return of parliament meant the return of a potential source of material aid, which—although seemingly negligible—did matter in this economy of survival. However, it seems that MB Members of Parliament turned their backs on local services and charities, and—rather—tried to dedicate themselves to legislative work: work that most of them were not used to conducting and for which they certainly lacked the requisite competences.
Moreover, the chamber was caught up in an institutional battle, as the High Constitutional Court, supported by the interim military government, threatened to dissolve it—eventually succeeding. Anticipating this dissolution, MB deputies were eager to pass laws securing their presence in the Constitutive Assembly that was to be formed.
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They also focused on passing the Political Isolation Law, which banned officials who had served in top posts under Mubarak from running for election. Although the law was eventually suppressed when the chamber was dissolved, a related article was later included in the Constitution that Morsi introduced in late It also sparked anger among former NDP notables who considered the Political Isolation Law a potential threat, while many expected the MB to be as cooperative as it had showed itself to be towards the military and high-ranking businessmen of the Mubarak era.
Former NDP notables worried especially about local councils—which used to be their sanctuaries—the elections for which were constantly postponed while parliament drafted a new law with which to govern them. Many believed this to be a sign of MB manipulation, an effort to assert complete hegemony, and began mobilising against the Brotherhood Hamdy and Vannetzel, Hence, the blurred local environment of overlapping networks and identities unravelled and gave way to sharpening cleavages.
A dramatic shift in the local landscape added to this growing polarisation: while the NDP disappeared as a structured organisation, conversely, the Muslim Brothers suddenly appeared more prominently in the public sphere leaving their clandestinity behind. At this time, many people suddenly discovered who in their entourage was a member of the MB.
And then suddenly they came to the surface. My neighbour, my relative… We discovered that they were Brothers. Among them, two contributed to undermining the legitimacy both of the politics of goodness and of the Muslim Brotherhood.
More precisely, though these protests are not a mere consequence of a so-called lack of development, they are moments in which the politics of goodness is variously questioned, criticised, and reinterpreted, and—at least partially—rejected. Protests shed a crude light on the contradiction between the developmentalism myth and the deregulation of social protection, and have made that contradiction, in Egypt as elsewhere Catusse et al.
The last decade, indeed, has seen the conjunction of endless protests, the wide scale privatisation of public companies, a rapid rise in the precariousness of labour even in what remains of the public sector Makram-Ebeid, , and the vertiginous rise of food prices due to the international financial crisis that began in for which abovementioned state subsidies were not enough to compensate.
Meanwhile, the vocal, neo-liberal wing of the NDP, gathered around Gamal Mubarak whose longing to become president has caused much resentment Hassabo, and has given a new face to the regime; a face that clearly fails to fit the image of the protective state, and thus has unmasked the aforementioned paradox.
In Egypt, social aspirations of security and welfare have focused on the two major symbols of historical Egyptian state developmentalism—that is to say, the army and the president. While the image of the president as za'im and saviour of the nation was being revived by those expectations of state protection, Mohamed Morsi was cast in this role and did not manage to fit in it. Beyond his lack of charisma, the absence of an economic programme, or the neo-liberal agenda, all of which have been commented on and denounced at length, I argue that this is also because khayr , of which the MB was the local champion, just did not meet the renewed demand for genuine state intervention.
Counting Calories: Democracy and Distribution in the Developing World
The common vision of a conflict of development in which Islamists would oppose regime incumbents, and would be relegated to a separate field of religious philanthropy, has been deconstructed. The biggest contradictory tension was to be found between the survival of the imaginary of state developmentalism and the effectiveness of neo-liberalisation. In the space created by this tension, the politics of goodness was deployed, involving actors from the former regime and the MB alike. Behind the consensus around khayr as an illusive avatar of state developmentalism in neo-liberal times, those actors struggled to secure positions of power on both political and moral grounds.
What we are now witnessing is the crumbling of this consensus. Not only have the former micro-networks of khayr been dismantled with the reshaping of local political elites in , inexperienced supporters of al-Sisi supplanted former NDP members in parliament; and the MB has, so far, not been granted any margin of tolerance ; but the local and national dynamics of the politics of goodness—that is to say, the relocation of welfare in the spirit of services and the survival of the developmentalist myth—have broken down.
In emic and academic discourses alike, open conflict has widely been seen as a hindrance to stability, and stability has consensually been linked to development. Once elected, members of the MB were soon decried as the spanner in those wheels. While the struggle against incumbents to occupy positions of power intensified, they were accused of, and seen as, hurting the state itself, and consequently seen as breaking the motor of development from within.
However, two years after Marshal al-Sisi's election as president, it is clear that the new regime has advanced neo-liberalisation further by cutting energy subsidies and has relocated the economy , rather than development, into the military, rather than into the public, sector. Even the attempt to revive the glorious myth of state developmentalism with the pharaonic construction of the New Suez Canal, entirely overseen by the Egyptian armed forces, seems unable to cope with the asymmetries of accumulation and their conflictualisation.
But what have you done for us, so far?